The most significant political movement in the country is the UDP, if we are to go by membership numbers and the votes gained in recent elections, even during the days when dictatorship was at its strongest in its futile attempts to cling to power, regardless of the cost. A nation cannot renew itself when its alternatives are weak, fragmented, or indistinguishable.
The Gambia’s political ambitions are reinforced by an active UDP opposition landscape that has repeatedly challenged the incumbent despite risks to lives and communities. Some smaller opposition parties have struggled to offer a credible, disciplined, and visionary alternative. Citizens are often left choosing not between competing ideas, but between competing disappointments. The UDP has been consistent over the years in fighting for change and in reminding the incumbent that the voices of the people must be heard. Like them or dislike them, the UDP’s contribution to our country’s political landscape has been undeniably consistent.
The UDP remains at the centre of political controversies, and that engagement is healthy for our democratic processes, negotiation systems, and political dialogue. Emerging and new political parties also enrich the country’s political discourse. The challenge for all of us is how to support opposition parties in connecting effectively, inviting one another into meaningful political discussions, and paving the way for a unity government prepared to step in after Barrow’s tenure.
How do we imagine life after Barrow’s term?
The roadmap must be drawn up now and welcome criticism and critical analysis from all quarters, both at home and abroad. Formal and informal political discourse should be encouraged. Opposition parties to strategise better and usher in more effective ways of operations.
Many opposition actors operate seasonally, active during elections, dormant in between. Without long-term planning or policy development, opposition becomes reactionary rather than transformative. Here is where we must be seen to be changing the pattern for good. Opposition parties must be committed to long-term planning and unified policy development to strengthen their positions in the country. Their individual political manifestos may differ, but their positions and their unified attempts to tackle the incumbent head-on must be carried forward, essentially and in unison.
Fragmentation in major opposition political parties is disguised as pluralism!
The proliferation of small parties is less about ideological diversity and more about political ego and mistrust. Fragmentation weakens bargaining power and confuses voters. The number of new political parties and the number of individuals vying for the presidency give the impression that people are desperate for change. We must not lose sight of the fact that the stakes are very high for the incumbent, but the stakes are even higher for the electorate, the owners of the voice that decides who sits in the highest office in the land. Opposition political parties must come together and share a multi-coloured manifesto whose number one aim is to deny Barrow a 3rd term mandate for the good of the country and its people.
Coalitions built on convenience, not conviction, fade very quickly and are vulnerable to political shocks!
The last coalition that helped Barrow get seated in the highest office in the land was hastily drafted, and contributors like Barrow may have had other ideas once he became President. Too often, coalitions form around short-term electoral calculations rather than shared principles. When the glue is convenient, collapse is inevitable. This is why a very comprehensive coalition document must be established in principle, so we do not fall into the same trap that enabled Barrow to ditch the UDP and the coalition, and to form his own party immediately after tasting power, power he now appears consumed by and seems to regard as absolute.
Failure to articulate a compelling alternative vision has weakened some opposition parties’ sense of direction. Many critique the government but rarely articulate what they would do differently. Citizens hear what they oppose, not what they propose. There are growing concerns about the disconnect between politicians in general and the people who voted them into office. This disconnect from citizens’ lived realities remains a significant issue in our politics. Opposition actors often underestimate public frustration and overestimate their own relevance. A credible opposition must be rooted in the daily struggles of citizens.
Conclusion of Part II:
The opposition vacuum is not merely a political failure; it is a democratic threat.
When citizens lose faith in both government and opposition, they begin to lose faith in democracy itself. We must set a political barometer for ourselves that we aim to rise above, not fall below.
There are many reasons and justifications you raise for why Barrow should not be granted a third term. When Barrow took office, how much was a bag of rice, and how much does that exact bag cost today? He made a significant promise to reduce the price of a bag of rice to 700 dalasis, yet this promise has never been revisited, let alone fulfilled. How many maternal deaths have been recorded during his tenure? Despite having a youthful population, how many young people dropped out of school, and how many were able to secure employment in either the public or private sectors? How many times has the exchange rate taken a heavy beating, leaving the dalasi increasingly unfavourable to hold in one’s pocket or bank account?
Barrow’s legacy, as you describe it, would be remembered as a presidency during which being admitted to hospital meant paying for your own care, and needing surgery required you to provide the basic materials doctors and nurses needed before they could operate. At the same time, millions of dalasis allegedly went missing from the COVID-19 funds.
By Salifu Manneh
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